issue – Irma P作为非法居留者以采摘水果为职的那些日子给她留下了一个日渐暗淡的印迹: 她右手腕上因橘树的酸性分泌物而产生的一个伤疤。这个伤疤像一个提醒者，让她记起她已走了多远，从那个在大约20年前跨越了墨西哥边境线的惊惶的被遗弃的小女孩，到现在这个受过大学教育充满活力的行政员。作为MFV计划迈阿密的地区主管——MFV是对美国返境途中的西班牙移民的接受计划——IramP乘喷射机在这个国家里飞来飞去，从菲尼克斯到费城，登记那些草根阶级的民众并为拉丁裔选民争取权利。她常开玩笑地说她是从一种野外工作转到了另一种。最近她正忙于一个新计划：迈阿密的4月10日集会，这次集会将作为国庆日活动的一部分，以对抗渐涨的反移民情绪，提倡更宽容的移民改良计划。“这是一个历史性的时刻，”29岁的P说，“一个动员全民族的时刻。”

By Arian Campo-Flores

Newsweek

April 10, 2006 issue – Irma Palacios carries a faint remnant of her days as an undocumented fruit picker: a scar on her right wrist left by the acidic secretion of citrus trees. It serves as a reminder of how far she’s come, from a frightened, forlorn little girl who crossed the border from Mexico nearly 20 years ago to a college-educated, hard-charging political organizer. As the Miami-based national field director for Mi Familia Vota—a Hispanic civic-engagement program of People for the American Way—she jets around the country, from Phoenix to Philadelphia, setting up grass-roots operations to register and empower Latino voters. She often jokes that she traded one kind of field work for another. Now she’s working on a new project: an April 10 rally in

Miami that will be part of a National Day of Action to protest seemingly rising anti-immigrant sentiment and to call for comprehensive immigration reform. "This is a historic moment," says Palacios, 29, "a time to mobilize an entire nation."

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P未获得居住许可证的姊夫R，也是她所为之奔走忙碌的群体中的一员，R要求隐瞒他的姓氏以避免来自官方的麻烦。当移民事件使P活跃时，它使R不得不更深地隐藏起来。他陷入对被驱逐出境前所未有的恐惧中——恐惧地如此之深以至于他突然患上喉头炎。当移民搜捕的传言在他的居住地，佛罗里达州的移民中到处流传时，他拒绝离开他的住宅。在弗罗里达列屿（钥匙状群岛）做零工的同时，他坚持听广播，关注古巴移民因为公路即将受法律严格管制而在海岸线上蜂拥而至的报道，&(@#&(*#)。他为即将到期的驾驶执照而担忧：因为新的法令要求他出示合法居住证明以签发新的驾照。“我尽量不去想它，”28岁的R说，但是担心遭到驱逐的苦恼正噬咬着他。

Among the people whose cause she’s championing: her undocumented brother-in-law Raymundo, who requested that his last name be withheld to avoid problems with authorities. While the immigration issue has galvanized Palacios, it has driven Raymundo deeper into hiding. He’s more worried than ever about being deported—so

much so that the skin under his chin sometimes breaks out in hives. When rumors circulate of immigration raids in Homestead, Fla., where he lives, he refuses to leave the house. At his handyman job in the Florida Keys, he monitors the radio constantly for reports of Cuban refugees washing up onshore, knowing the highways will soon be crawling with law enforcement. He’s panicked about what to do when his driver’s license expires; new rules require that he show proof of

legal residency to renew it. "I try not to think about it all," says Raymundo, 28. But the feeling of vulnerability gnaws at him.

R的恐惧，P 的对抗，向我们展示了即使在一个家庭的移民之间，其经历差异之大。关于移民的争论常常在这样的框架中进行，仿佛合法居民与“生活在阴影中的”不合法的滞留者之间有清晰的分界，事实上真实的情形要复杂的多。P的家族——6个兄弟姐妹及其配偶和孩子——其中包括出生在美国的美国公民，加入美国籍的公民，永久居民和未获得合法居留证明的移民。这种“混合身份”的家庭并非罕见。皮尤西裔研究中心最近的一项研究表明，非法移民者中有64%的儿童是在美国出生的。而对于那些不计其数的持着临时工作许可证的人们，笼罩在他们头上的阴影则更加深重。

Raymundo’s fear and Palacios’s defiance show how diverse the immigrant experience can be—even within one family. The immigration debate is usually framed as though there were a clear demarcation between legal residents and illegal aliens who live "in the shadows." But reality is far messier. Palacios’s clan—six siblings and their spouses and kids—includes Americans by birth, naturalized citizens, permanent residents and undocumented immigrants. Such "mixed status" families are no aberration. According to a recent Pew Hispanic Center study, 64 percent of the children of illegals are U.S.-born. Factor in those who hold one of countless temporary work visas, and the shades of gray multiply even more.

      James Whitlow Delano / Redux

      Hired Hand: A Mexican woman cleans the home of a suburban family in

      California

这种同一个屋顶下发生的复杂情形也许可以解释近日来由于移民改革引起的民众的愤怒。 许多很久以前成为合法移民的西班牙裔居民——或一直是合法移民的那些——会把非法移民视为他们中的一员，在情感上他们仍然是紧密相连的。即使对于并未怀有此类同情心的那部分群体——比如皮尤西裔研究中心的调查表明，28%的美国生拉丁裔居民认为非法移民是国家的负担——如果他们认为移民正在被描述成魔鬼般的群体，也会采取保护性的防卫措施。所以当十二月众议院通过了使非法移民归入刑事诉讼的法案时，被点燃的怒火开始散播了。

All that mixture under one roof may help explain the fury over immigration reform that has spilled into the streets in recent days. Many Hispanics who long ago became legal—or who always were—still identify with the undocumented and feel intimately connected to them. Even those who don’t share such sympathies—like the 28 percent of U.S.-born Latinos who consider illegals a burden on the country, according to the Pew Hispanic Center—are likely to become

protective if they believe that immigrants are being demonized. So when the U.S. House of Representatives passed a bill in December that would make illegals subject to criminal prosecution, it ignited a firestorm that has been steadily spreading.

在过去两周中，洛杉矶的拉丁裔游行已经牵涉了500，000人，以抗议众议院的法案，在芝加哥有300，000人，而在菲尼克斯和丹佛有数万人口或更多参加了游行。学生也参与其中，，举着“我们不是犯罪者”的标语进行游行。而上周在圣地亚哥城中，一所高中数百个西班牙学生与防暴警察发生对抗，之后管理者们取消了课程。冲突显得一触即发。休斯顿一所高校的负责人在校园里升起了一面墨西哥国旗，以示他对其为数众多的拉丁籍学生的支持，直到这面旗帜被撤下后一些居民才消除了不安之感。在右翼广播中，反对非法移民的演说甚至宣称使用新奥尔良体育馆以收留数百万的西班牙移民直到将他们遣返回国。

In the past two weeks, Latino marches protesting the House bill have drawn 500,000 people in Los Angeles, 300,000 in Chicago and tens of thousands more in cities like Phoenix and Denver. Students joined the action as well, staging walkouts and waving signs declaring, WE ARE NOT CRIMINALS. In San Diego County, administrators canceled classes last week after hundreds of Hispanic kids at one high school confronted police wearing riot gear. A backlash has been brewing as

well. When a Houston high-school principal hoisted a Mexican flag on campus to show support for his largely Latino student body, some city residents fumed until it was removed. On right-wing radio, rants against illegal aliens have included calls to use the New Orleans Superdome to house millions of Hispanics before shipping them back to where they came from.

当国内风波正起时，总统布什在上周飞往Cancun会晤墨西哥总理VF，以解决移民问题。看起来这是他参与此项论战并推进自己外来工人计划的最佳机会，这项计划将允许非法劳动者在六年之内可以从事某些行业。但是从他莫测的支持率来看，可供他进行这项计划的行政首府并不多。他表现得更像一个在Cancun的无忧无虑的游客，在玛雅的废墟里观光，与记者们说笑。据一位匿名的白宫高级官员称，在布什与Fox的私人谈话中，布什称自己在国会的议程中几乎只能担当旁观者的角色。自两周前布什使立法者卷入了一场“全民的”论战后，大多数时候他显得低调，只告诉记者们他对“宽容的法案”持乐观的态度。行政官员们说布什在积聚火力，留待众议院和参议院商议妥协的时候。

With that tempest churning at home, President George W. Bush flew to Cancún last week to discuss immigration with Mexican President Vicente Fox. It seemed like a prime opportunity for Bush to inject himself into the debate and to promote his signature guest-worker plan, which would allow illegal laborers to fill certain jobs for up to six years. But given his abysmal approval ratings, he doesn’t have much political capital to spend. He acted more like a carefree vacationer in Cancún, sightseeing at Mayan ruins and joshing with journalists. In private talks with Fox, Bush confided that he was little more than a bystander to the

maneuvering in Congress, according to a senior administration official who requested anonymity citing White House policy. Since urging lawmakers to engage in a "civil" debate two weeks ago, Bush has mostly lain low, telling reporters only that he was "optimistic" about a "comprehensive bill." Administration officials say the president is saving his firepower for when the House and Senate try to negotiate a compromise.